Obama: “That is a risk we have to take.”

UPDATES

8:00 am Israel time, Friday, July 17 2015

**It turns out that the missile attack against southern Israel yesterday was not a “typical” attack.

According to Palestinian terrorists in Gaza, they used new missiles with which they were able to target with pinpoint accuracy the huge power plant in the Chof Ashkelon region.  

These missiles were supplied by Iran.

**The U.S. has demanded this morning that Israel not follow a ruling of the Israel Supreme Court.

You may remember that about a month ago, the Supreme Court ruled that Sussiya, a Palestinian Bedouin encampment near Hebron could be razed. The Court ruled specifically that the Bedouins were squatters on state land.

Never mind. The flatulent U.S. State Department statement:

“Partial destruction and eviction of Palestinians from their homes would be harmful and provocative [and changes] dispossession standards and land expropriation against the background of settlement activity in the region.”

The amazing arrogance of the Obama Administration never ceases to surprise your humble servant.

TODAY’S BLOG:

“You test these things, and as long as we are preserving our security capacity–as long we are not giving away our ability to respond forcefully, militarily, where necessary to protect our friends and allies–that is a risk we have to take.”

President Obama, speaking on the Iran Appeasement Agreement at a White House Press Conference on Tuesday

This statement of Obama, so indicative of his mindset, is a perfect illustration of why no one in the Middle East trusts the American president. Let’s spend a moment dissecting it this morning.

“You test these things…”

No you don’t. The Middle East is not a laboratory where Obama can test his delusions of peace. Iran is not a benign player to be given a chance to prove itself. It has already proven itself to be a purveyor of terrorism worldwide, a developer of nuclear weapons, and a cheat about everything having to do with that nuclear weapons program.

“. . . as long we are not giving away our ability to respond forcefully, militarily, where necessary to protect our friends and allies. . .”

No American “ally” in the Middle East believes that Obama would ever respond forcefully, militarily, to protect it.

What has the Obama Administration done with Egypt? It has thrown it under the bus, and continues–even until today–to condemn it for cracking down on Islamic terrorism.

What has the Obama Administration done with Saudi Arabia? It has thrown it under the bus, condemning it for fighting Iranian-supported terrorism in Yemen.

What has the Obama Administration done with Israel forcefully and militarily? In the war last summer, the Obama Administration refused to send necessary resupplies to IDF soldiers on the front lines.

The simple fact is that President Obama neither goes after America’s enemies strongly nor supports its friends–what few it still has. Obama was not able to muster the courage to go after Russia in the Ukrainian Crimea or Assad in Syria. No one here in Israel really believes that Obama would act to defend Israel militarily should the situation demand it.

” . . . that is a risk we have to take.”

No it isn’t. There was never an obligation, moral or otherwise, to mollify the terrorist Iranian regime through appeasement. Why does the U.S. need to take such an egregious risk?

For “world and regional peace”?  All the Iranians will do is use their new found bounty to fund more terrorism.

The only reason that “we have to take a risk” is for the sake of Obama’s legacy.

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But the most important point about “the risk” is entirely different.

It is one thing for Obama to be willing to put the United States at risk. It is an entirely different thing for him to be willing to put Israel at risk. As recently as four days ago there were government-sp0nsored “Death to Israel” marches in Tehran participated in by hundreds of thousands.

The distance from Tehran to Washington, D. C. is 6,319 miles (10,171 km). The distance from Tehran to Jerusalem is 968 miles (1557 km); the flight time from Tehran to Jerusalem is 2 hours and 19 minutes by conventional airplane; a hypersonic Iranian ballistic missile fired from Tehran could hit Jerusalem in fewer than 10 minutes  (an ICBM would be much faster).

It is accurate to say that the Iranian threat to the U.S. is not existential, but the Iranian threat to Israel is.

And nothing gives Obama the right to risk the lives of people in this country for his pipedream of peace.

Addendum:

Now that the Iranian Appeasement Agreement has been published for everyone to see, israelstreet wil spend the next few days publishing parts of it without comment–except for “bolding type” for emphasis. Today, we begin with Annex 3, Section B in which the West agrees to build Iranian nuclear infrastructure with full knowledge that such infrastructure–no matter how it is designated in the agreement–could be used for military purposes: 

Annex 3, Section B:

B. Reactors, Fuels and Associated Technologies, Facilities and Processes

4. Modern light water power and research reactors and associated equipment, technologies and facilities:

E3/EU+3 parties, as appropriate, will facilitate Iran’s acquisition of light-water research and power reactors, for research, development and testing, and for the supply of electricity and desalination, with arrangements for the assured supply of nuclear fuel and the removal of spent fuel as provided for in relevant contracts, for each reactor provided. This may include the following areas for co-operation:

4. Construction as well as effective and safe operation of new light water power reactors and associated equipment, according to Generation III+ requirements, including small and medium sized nuclear reactors, including joint design and manufacturing, as appropriate.

4. Construction of state of the art light water moderated multipurpose research reactors capable of testing fuel pins, assembly prototypes and structural materials with associated related facilities, including joint design and manufacturing, as appropriate.

4. Supply of state-of-the-art instrumentation and control systems for the above research and power reactors, including joint design and manufacturing, as appropriate;

4. Supply of nuclear simulation and calculation codes and software solutions with regard to the above areas, including joint development, as appropriate;

4. Supply of first and second loop main equipment as well as core of the above research and power reactors, including joint design and manufacturing, as appropriate;

4. On-the-job training on fuel management scenarios and reshuffling for the above research and power nuclear reactors;

4. Joint technical review of Iran’s current nuclear reactors, upon the request by Iran, in order to upgrade current equipment and systems, including concerning nuclear safety